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428Avant les grandes manifestations d’aujourd’hui en Egypte, l’armée égyptienne avait pris position dans la soirée d’hier, – plus sur ses principes d'action, doit-on dire, que dans les rues du Caire où elle se trouve déjà depuis quatre jours… L’armée avait clairement annoncé son intention de ne pas intervenir contre les manifestations populaires, jugeant par ailleurs “légitimes” les revendications également populaires. L’armée égyptienne s’est ainsi clairement signalée comme la garante et la protectrice de la volonté populaire.
Dans The Independent du 1er février 2011:
«In what could prove a critical moment in Egypt's popular uprising against Hosni Mubarak, the country's army last night told demonstrators that their demands were “legitimate” and that troops “would not resort to the use of force against our great people”.
»On the eve of a planned demonstration that could bring as many as a million protesters to the streets, the army's statement, carried on state television, appeared to mark a significant blow to Mr Mubarak's hopes of clinging to power. “The presence of the army in the streets is for your sake and to ensure your safety and wellbeing,” the statement said. “Your armed forces, who... are keen to assume their responsibility in protecting the nation and its citizens, affirm that freedom of expression through peaceful means is guaranteed to everybody”… […]
»Despite the heavy army presence in [Tahrir Square in central Cairo] and at nearby intersections – and with the exception of a tense incident in the late morning when troops started firing in the air – relations between troops and demonstrators throughout the daylight hours were calm and even cordial compared with the crowd's universal contempt for police who tried to quell the protests with lethal brutality last week.
»Metres from the tanks in the northwest corner of the square as a military helicopter repeatedly circled low above the crowd, the secondary school English teacher Ahmed Mutawa, 45, declared: “We like the army very much. The army is us, it is Egypt, it is my students.”»
Cette situation contraste singulièrement avec les analyses couramment admises dans les milieux experts occidentaux, analyses basées essentiellement sur les faveurs (y compris les aides habituelles US) que les divers vieux dictateurs arabes, démocrates favoris des milieux politiques occidentaux, dispensent ou font parvenir à leurs forces armées. Comme d’habitude, on retrouve le décalage entre les données bureaucratiques du Système et les réalités du monde extérieur.
Voir notamment, dans Ouverture libre du 31 janvier 2011, les extraits de l’article du
«But what's clear is that the odds of the Egyptian military joining in a popular revolt are far more unlikely in Egypt than they were, in hindsight, in Tunisia… […] Despite the growing pressure from their people, however, the Arab world's dictators will find it difficult to break their addiction to armed rule, says Kristina Kausch, a researcher at the Spanish-based FRIDE think-tank who has worked here in Tunisia since 2004. In “the other Arab autocracies, the regime and the military live off each other,” Kausch told me. “They don't need the Tunisia lesson. For the other regimes, keeping the militaries happy has been a central pillar of survival.”»
dedefensa.org
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